On the exact date Donald Trump received a custom-made "award for peace" from his recent ally, FIFA president "Gianni" Infantino, his government released an equally ostentatious national security strategy. This fairly short report is saturated with pure Trump and Trumpism. It opens with the typically humble assertion that the president has brought back "the United States and the globe – back from the edge of disaster and ruin."
Even though the document largely codifies the current actions and statements of Trump and his cabinet, it must be heeded as a grave caution for the world, and for Europe in particular.
The document advocates for an assertive form of foreign-policy meddling where the US explicitly sets the goal of "promoting European greatness." Its language could have been lifted straight from addresses by Viktor Orbán during the much-discussed refugee crisis of 2015-16: "Our desire is for Europe to stay European, to reclaim its civilizational self-confidence." Even more ominously, the document states that Europe's "economic decline is overshadowed by the genuine and starker possibility of civilizational erasure."
The entire section on Europe is imbued with decades of European far-right ideology and propaganda. The EU and its migration policies are blamed for "changing the continent and creating strife, censorship of free expression and suppression of dissent, plummeting birthrates, and erosion of national identities and self-belief." Per the document, if "current trajectories continue, the continent will be unrecognisable in 20 years or less. As such, it is not at all clear whether some European countries will have economic power and armed forces strong enough to remain dependable allies." In fact, the Trump administration believes that "in a matter of years at the latest, certain NATO members will become majority non-European."
"U.S. foreign policy should continue to champion authentic democracy, freedom of expression, and proud commemorations of European nations’ unique heritage and past."
These points carry strong overtones of two concepts regarded as foundational for modern far-right circles. The first is Oswald Spengler's "The Decline of the West," whose argument on the cyclical decline of civilizations was used by the German far right to attack the "decadence" and "enfeeblement" of the democratic Weimar Republic. The second is "Le Grand Remplacement," released in 2011 by French novelist Renaud Camus, who transformed long-existing "native" fears into a more explicit conspiratorial narrative, alleging European elites of using immigration to replace restive "indigenous" populations and bring in a more submissive and reliant electorate.
It is the nationalist fantasy encapsulated in both ideas that grants the Trump administration the right, if not the obligation, to interfere in European affairs, the document implies. And it is clear where it identifies its allies: "The United States encourages its ideological partners in Europe to promote this revival of spirit, and the increasing influence of patriotic European parties in fact gives cause for great optimism."
In other words, the US contends that it is essential to its national security to "Restore European strength," and that the European far right is the sole movement that can achieve this. Therefore, its "broad policy for Europe" prioritises "cultivating resistance to Europe’s present path within European nations" – meaning the far right – and "strengthening the healthy nations of central, eastern, and southern Europe" – specifically "nations in agreement that want to reclaim their former greatness" – such as Hungary and Italy.
While the document stays vague on implementation, it is obvious that a priority is to push Europe to adopt a radical policy on freedom of speech, closer to the US model – especially regarding right-wing speech – and not just on social media. Another is to normalise relations with Russia; or, as the document phrases it, to "restore strategic stability with Russia." Although the country is not explicitly called a future ally, the Trump administration evidently does not regard Russia as an enemy either.
In a wider context, the national security strategy draws its ideas less from the glorified US of the 1950s and more from the 1823 policy of 1823. Articulated by President James Monroe, this warned European powers not to interfere in the "western hemisphere," which he declared to be the US’s sphere of interest. The Trump administration’s policy document promises to "implement a Trump addition" to the Monroe Doctrine, which entails the US "enlisting" countries worldwide that wish to help protect US national interests.
This is entirely new – consider JD Vance’s address at the 2025 Munich Security Conference, where the vice-president launched an assault on Europe’s democratic model. But maybe now that it is laid out in an formal document, European leaders will finally realize that the stance is serious. And if the document is too long or imprecise for them, it can be condensed in plain and succinct terms: the current US government believes that its national security is best served by the destruction of liberal democracy in Europe. In other words, the US is not only an reluctant ally; it is a willing adversary. Now is time to respond accordingly.
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